846: This Is the Cake We Baked
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Prologue: Prologue
Ira Glass
So this week, lots of people looked at the election results and thought, yeah, this is the country that I thought it was. And for some people, that was a really hopeful thing, and others, kind of the opposite. And let's start with the winners. I'm joined in the studio right now by Zoe Chace.
Zoe Chace
Hello.
Ira Glass
Hey there, Zoe. So election night, you and I were in Michigan together, and you got to go to the Republican victory party.
Zoe Chace
I did.
Ira Glass
Let's bring in the sound.
Woman
Waiting for anything substantive--
Ira Glass
There it is.
Zoe Chace
As I walk in, the polls were closing. The results were starting to come in. I have to say, I walked in kind of prepared for the last war, like the last election.
Ira Glass
Explain what you mean.
Zoe Chace
Well, I know a lot of these Republicans in Michigan. I know they've been mobilizing, for years, an army of poll watchers and poll challengers and lawyers to challenge the results of a fraudulent election. So I come in expecting super tight results, and a long fight, and tension, and anxiety, and suspicion.
[CROWD CHEERING]
Ira Glass
And?
Zoe Chace
That is not what I found.
[CROWD CHEERING]
Zoe Chace
What are people cheering for?
Man
We're up in Pennsylvania. We just tied in Michigan.
[INDISTINCT CHATTER]
Look at that.
[LAUGHTER]
I'm so happy.
[INDISTINCT CHATTER]
My heart's going to pop out of my chest.
Zoe Chace
Really?
Eric Castiglia
Feels like it.
Zoe Chace
It's Eric Castiglia, longtime Republican activist. He runs a PAC called Brighter Michigan. He believes the last election was rife with fraud-- not this one. In fact, there was never a moment, once the count started, where anyone in this room wasn't believing the results.
Ira Glass
Well, yeah, because it was all breaking their way.
Zoe Chace
I know, but also, these are the people on the ground who ran the ground game in Michigan, and they were feeling really good about what they did.
Zoe Chace
All right, Eric. What's going to happen?
Eric Castiglia
I think he's going to win, baby. He's going to win. I'm so happy. I am so happy, Zoe. You have no idea.
Ira Glass
So it was obvious to them they were going to win way before it was obvious to you.
Zoe Chace
Yes, very much. Like, when I was talking to Amber Harris-- we first met last year. She's a Republican activist.
Zoe Chace
I didn't honestly expect the night to go this way in general.
Amber Harris
Oh. I did.
Zoe Chace
Really?
Amber Harris
I did, yeah. We worked really hard for this. And I'm happy. I'm very happy. We worked really, really hard. We knocked a lot of doors. We went into territories that we never would have, whether it was Detroit-- because we had nothing to lose. As a party, we have nothing to lose besides talking to people. And I think that this is a very-- this is what came when you just talk to people. [LAUGHS] Like--
Zoe Chace
She's right that more people came out. The Republican vote in Michigan was unprecedented. Trump got more votes than he did last time he ran in Detroit, in the surrounding suburbs, in almost every county in the state of Michigan.
Ira Glass
OK. So then, at some point in the night, Trump wins.
Zoe Chace
Yes, much earlier than I was expecting.
Ira Glass
Let's hear some sound of that.
Man
Yes!
[CROWD CHEERING]
Trump! Trump! Trump! Trump!
Ira Glass
Thank you.
Zoe Chace
And I see a guy breaking down crying at the front of the room. He's the regional director for Macomb County.
Zoe Chace
What was it that you think did it?
Man
What did it?
Zoe Chace
Yeah.
Eric Castiglia
I think people realized that we're better off with President Trump, that he provided a great, great way of living for us, that he provided a way for us to provide for our families. And I think people miss that. I think people truly miss that. I think they just yearn to go back to where we were. And I think people believed in him.
Ira Glass
And that's true-- some people. And some did not.
Zoe Chace
Yeah, I believe I've heard that.
Ira Glass
Somebody I had checked with a couple of days after the election was Danny Hodges. He's a Washington, DC, policeman who was one of the officers who defended the Capitol building back on January 6. He was beaten. Somebody tried to gouge out his eye. He was trapped by the crowd at one point, and a man took his nightstick and hit his head. In the wake of that, he's testified in Congress and at the trials of a number of people who attacked the Capitol, including one last week.
And when I talked to him, he said something that I heard from a bunch of Democrats. It's like, it wasn't just disappointment he was feeling, but a whole feeling that I can only describe as "whoa."
Danny Hodges
Like many people, I'm sad and confused. I'm still wrapping my head around how so many people could vote for Trump after everything we know about him, everything he's done. I don't understand it. I don't get it.
Ira Glass
Since January 6, you've spoken so much about what happened to you at the Capitol-- over four years. When you started on that path, what did you hope it would accomplish?
Danny Hodges
[LAUGHS] The opposite of this. I hoped that I would communicate to the people that what happened was real, that Trump sent an armed mob to stop the peaceful transfer of power. I wanted people to understand this, and in the hope that they would respect the rule of law and that they would have respect for the Constitution and choose their leaders with that in mind in the future. But I guess that wasn't at the top of everyone's priorities.
Ira Glass
And what's it like to look at the possibility that President Trump might do what he said he would do and let all these people free from January 6?
Danny Hodges
It's hard to process. I don't know. I don't know what to say about that except that I have no influence over that and I've just got to roll with it, however it happens.
Ira Glass
Today, after the billions of dollars spent and the countless hours of literally hundreds of thousands around the country who knocked themselves out for this election canvassing, donating, poll watching, doing everything they knew how to do, now, here we are, still a divided country, staring at each other across an abyss, but with a clear winner.
We thought what we could do here on our show is spend some time with a few of the people who felt very strongly about the outcome of this race, who have a special, personal investment in it, looking ahead with them to what's next. From WBEZ Chicago, it's This American Life, I'm Ira Glass. Stay with us.
Act One: The Largest Deportation Operation in American History
Ira Glass
It's This American Life, Act One-- our act names today, by the way, are quotes from the president-elect-- "The Largest Deportation Operation in American History." So mass deportations are coming. Donald Trump promised it. People waved mass deportation signs at his rallies. It was the first item on the Republican Party's platform this year. And at the Republican National Convention, Tom Homan, the guy who ran ICE under Trump, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement, had a message for undocumented immigrants-- you'd better start packing now.
President Trump has claimed he's going to be able to deport between 15 and 20 million people. His Vice President, JD Vance, said the number is lower, that they could do one million people per year. But Donald Trump and his team have never spelled out exactly how they would do this. Our producer, Nadia Reiman, wondered about that, and looked into what mass deportation could actually look like if and when it comes to pass.
Nadia Reiman
I was kind of unfazed at first when I heard about Trump's mass deportation campaign promise. I've been covering immigration for years. There are so many undocumented people here that we can't even keep count. The closest estimate is 13.3 million. So it's a big job to round up all of these people and to send them back to countries that may not take them. It's expensive. It's time-consuming. It's a crazy task.
But then I was talking to a source inside the Department of Homeland Security. And I said something like, I mean, I know there's no way Trump can do this mass deportation thing. And they stopped me. They were like, oh, sure, it can happen. They said it so casually, like it was a given. So I wanted to talk to someone who could break down how. Like, exactly how could you do something so massive?
I tried talking to Tom Homan. He's rumored to be the next ICE director under Trump but has denied there's a written plan for mass deportations. And he ghosted me. Jason Houser, however, was eager to talk. He was the chief of staff for ICE under Biden for a couple years, has been working for DHS on and off since 9/11, mostly in enforcement.
He's passionate about all of this, in his wonky, government guy way. I talked to him for 3.5 hours, asked him basically to play pretend, game some stuff out with me. What would happen in the first 100 days? If he was in charge of ICE, what could he do to carry out this mass deportation mandate?
Jason thinks that, first of all, the new Trump administration will immediately start to prep for this-- like, the day after the election, this week. They would start talking to law enforcement in different cities and getting them to agree to cooperate, hit the ground running in January. ICE would talk to home countries to get them to agree to take people back. And after those two things align, Jason says, ICE could decide to deport someone and they'd be out of the country within 24 hours.
Jason Houser
I think the first 90 days is going to be hell. You're going to see the buses. You're going to see the migrants in your home-- not just blue cities, red cities-- Miami, Houston, Charlotte-- like, red states-- Kansas City, St. Louis.
You're going to see kids not in your schools. You're going to know where they're at because they're waiting in a detention cell and they have cell phones. You're going to see it in social media. You're going to see businesses not be able to open up because their workers didn't show up. You're going to see businesses being raided. And it's going to become more intimate.
This isn't going to be about separating a family at the border, that somebody doesn't know that family member. You're talking about separations and movements in your communities where you're going to know the guy-- Bill, Juan, Luis. You're going to know the individuals.
Nadia Reiman
One of the things ICE would have to work around is which nationalities to deport first-- you know, if you wanted to make the most impact. A lot of countries don't take their own people back. Venezuela, for example, hardly accepts any immigrants back. Brazil only accepts two to four flights of immigrants a month.
Nadia Reiman
So who are the first people who would be deported, like, in the first hundred days?
Jason Houser
Haitians and Guatemalans.
Nadia Reiman
Haitians and Guatemalans?
Jason Houser
These countries take back the most flights. So I have an ability to remove-- at volume-- individuals. A lot of them have entered through pathways that we've developed, where we've gained biometric, we've gained vetting, and we've--
Nadia Reiman
Meaning we know where they are.
Jason Houser
Yeah, we know where they are. We know where they are. They're working, non-criminal. We go out, we find them. We're going to find nationalities that are easily removable. And we're probably going to do it at volume with single adults first, because removing families is more complex. You've got to hold them, detain them, put them in hotels. It's very staff-intensive. So I'm going to target down on single adults and nationalities where I know the country will take them back very, very quickly.
Nadia Reiman
OK. So Haitians and Guatemalans and then--
Jason Houser
There's other populations too, but--
Nadia Reiman
Who's next after those two?
Jason Houser
Hondurans, right? We talk about Guatemalans, Hondurans, Nicaraguans, the countries where you see daily-- just in the news and the reporting by DHS and Homeland Security-- where are the most removal flights occurring? Those are the countries that accept those flights.
But if I'm in this scenario where I'm the head of ICE for Trump, all the rules of engagement and policies are out the window. Why not load up a few planeloads of Cuban nationals and send them to the Bahamas and just send them to a third party? Why not just-- I could go find a country that says they'll accept three or four planeloads of Cuban nationals, and I'll send them to a third-party country.
Nadia Reiman
Jason says ICE can focus on getting people in eight major cities with airport hubs-- Philadelphia, DC, Chicago, Houston, Miami, Denver, New York, and LA. Those have access to quick ICE flights to people's home countries. Jason thinks ICE can get people out before they can get to a judge or a lawyer.
And one way to catch a lot of people quickly, especially the ones who snuck in and ICE has no info on, is to bring back worksite enforcement, a.k.a., large-scale raids. The Biden administration stopped doing those.
Nadia Reiman
Do you think there would be raids, then, in the first 100 days?
Jason Houser
I think there would be raids within the first three weeks.
Nadia Reiman
Really?
Jason Houser
Yeah. Those are not hard to turn on. Like, to operationalize those, those aren't hard.
Nadia Reiman
Where? Where would they do them?
Jason Houser
You would go back to where there's big ICE and Customs and Border Protection resources to do enforcement. And you would do them in communities that would show the most cruelty. So there's nothing that would stop a Trump administration from going into the workplace, going into our hospitality sector, going into restaurants or businesses, and arresting individuals at scale.
Nadia Reiman
Can you walk through what that would look like? What do you think that would look like?
Jason Houser
Well, I think it would be very easy to focus on industries that have large numbers and high numbers of migrants working within them. What would stop them from going into a meat processing plant in Virginia? Say there's a couple hundred migrants. There's 80 on shift that day. You go in, you know there's one individual there that has a final order of removal, maybe has a nonviolent criminal background.
You go in, you do the raid, you line all the workers up, and you start checking status of each and every one of them, right? Or maybe you just arrest them all, bring them into detention, and then do the checks to see who is removable. There's nothing that could stop ICE, at that point, from just bringing people into custody, detaining them, and then figuring out who is removable at that time.
Nadia Reiman
Tom Homan has not denied this, by the way. He's said publicly something like this would be necessary. Homan also said he would do national security threats first-- but then raids, sure. Jason says the raids under a 2.0 Trump administration could be more militarized, with SWAT-style teams. That's not how they've been done in the past. He also told me he thinks nothing would stop ICE from going into hospitals or schools or churches. Normally, ICE doesn't do that. But this is just a policy, not a law.
So after doing these raids and trying to get people out quickly, ICE would be left with lots of immigrants that they have to hold until they can get them deported. I wanted to know, where would you hold all these people?
Nadia Reiman
Would you build tent camps to hold people?
Jason Houser
If I'm not looking out for the care of the law enforcement officers that are overseeing it or the migrants, yes, you could. When we did all the evacs and ICE had a very big support in the evacuation out of Afghanistan, we brought on soft-sided facilities at Fort Dix, New Jersey, and other places around the country. But again--
Nadia Reiman
Soft-sided facilities? Is that euphemism for tents?
Jason Houser
Well, yes. They're big, sort of like fair-- like, carnival tents. They're very thick plastic, and they're soft. Yeah. But what I'm saying is, let's say we put a thousand--
Nadia Reiman
You're like, they're weatherproof. They're weatherproof. But they're tents.
Jason Houser
Well, they're not just, like, Coleman tents that you would get to go camping. But what I'm saying is-- but the problem here is, those Afghanis were coming to safety. Now, you're saying, I'm going to bring on a soft-side tent to hold people so I can remove them in, like, 90 days.
The idea that they're just going to, like-- OK, I'm going to live in this deplorable conditions and not cause unrest-- that's where it gets very dangerous.
Nadia Reiman
Dangerous because Jason thinks there would be fights, riots. People would be hurt, possibly even die, he thinks. And just so I'm clear here, yes, he means immigrants, but also officers. Jason's very concerned about the safety of the ICE officers.
Nadia Reiman
Where else can you hold people you want to deport? Can you house migrants in jails?
Jason Houser
Yes.
Nadia Reiman
Could you lower jailing standards to put more people in a cell?
Jason Houser
Yes. Well, yes, absolutely.
Nadia Reiman
Right.
Jason Houser
But yes.
Nadia Reiman
Like, I'm saying, could you-- our standard before was three people per cell, and now, we're saying it's six.
Jason Houser
That is policy. It is not law. So yes, of course you could.
Nadia Reiman
OK. Could you turn places quickly into detention centers or camps? Like, can you change the standards to make it faster?
Jason Houser
Yes. I could have-- between FEMA and ICE and DHS, we could turn on 25 old warehouses, old department stores in a week.
Nadia Reiman
Wow, in a week.
Jason Houser
Well--
Nadia Reiman
So definitely doable in the first 100 days.
Jason Houser
--it would just be a cement building with some mats. And then I make sure we have porta-potties, some food. I have a couple docs there in case somebody gets really sick. And then I bring in a couple hundred security guards. I could do that in a week.
Nadia Reiman
At the end of the 100 days, how many people do you think will be gone?
Jason Houser
Let's just say this. Let's say all rules are out the-- and I can remove people that aren't removable. Like, I'm going to send them to third-party countries. ICE has 48,000 people in its custody now. ICE has 14 ICE planes that are hardened planes. They hold 135-- 135 souls. I need more of those. But while I'm sending those 48,000, I'm probably going to go out and bring another 50,000 to 100,000 into custody. So if you're talking 30 to 60 days, you could remove 150,000 to 200,000 people.
Nadia Reiman
So 200,000 people in the first 60 days?
Jason Houser
Yeah.
Nadia Reiman
So in the first 100, that puts you at what, how many?
Jason Houser
If all rules are gone and I can remove them anywhere, you could do a million.
Nadia Reiman
A million people. Of course, Jason's predicting here, assuming there will be no major roadblocks. But the Brennan Center did this thing where they stress tested with experts and government people whether mass deportations could be done, gamed this all out. In their simulations, funding was a big obstacle right away, so their deportation numbers weren't as large as Jason's.
But that was also assuming that the House wouldn't go Republican, which is looking like it will be as I record this. That would make Jason's math of a million people more possible. And when a million people disappear from the country, it's more than just bodies gone. There's ripple effects.
Jason Houser
One, we'll see massive inflation continue in this country, because we just pulled a million people out of our workforce-- GDP, businesses, small business especially. And then we'll see thousands of people losing their jobs and small businesses closing, et cetera.
Two, law enforcement activity-- federal specifically, and in cities and states where state and local law enforcement is supporting this mass deportation program-- will halt. Halt. Going out and arresting the rapist and murderer in your county will stop while your sheriff is over playing grabass with Homan and these individuals and trying to do some big mass deportation scheme and throwing Grandma back to Cuba. So law enforcement will be chilled.
Three, migrants will go deeper into the shadows. They will do the steps they need to stay in our country, because it's so much better than going back and risking death in another that they will hide even more into the shadows.
Nadia Reiman
And so those that are left behind, it's like they become ghosts. They might stop showing up to work. Maybe they'll move. You'll notice them missing-- at your local grocery store, your bar, your daycare. And at the same time, your screens will be broadcasting the deportations on TV, on social media, shouting the images of a million who are actually gone. Jason thinks this will be strategic.
Jason Houser
I think there's going to be lined-up planes, engines-running imagery of mass removals. I think they're going to grab people and intentionally break our policy, like, break the law and throw some people back to their home country. And then when the courts push back, they can be like, see, the courts made us stop. Because then they can go, hey, look at these bureaucratic pencil necks getting in our way. This is the deep state. This is the deep state.
Nadia Reiman
I guess my thing is, to what end, though?
Jason Houser
Winning the midterms.
Nadia Reiman
You think it's all political? You don't think there's any ideological thing that he wants out of it?
Jason Houser
Sure, I think he's ill-equipped. But there's 8 million just on the immigration docket now. How many people have status here and are first-generation migrants, or from migrant families? I mean, we're talking-- this would affect, like, 50 million to 100 million people, these sort of actions. The idea that there isn't political consequences to that, even for Donald Trump-- I think the pendulum would swing back.
Nadia Reiman
I'm not so sure. I think it's way harder for the pendulum to swing back. If you look at the Democrats' immigration platform, what you see is the border bill that Biden tried to pass. That bill is the most restrictive immigration bill we've seen in years. It's a child born out of the Trump administration but also parented by the Democrats, making a harsh agenda seem way more middle of the road.
Think piece after think piece uses this failed bill as an example of how far to the right we've moved on immigration, how much enforcement and severity have taken over, how much the idea of a nation of immigrants is dusty and Pollyanna-ish. This fall, a Brookings poll said that about a third of Americans agree with Trump's quote, that undocumented immigrants are poisoning the blood of the country-- "poisoning the blood."
This phrase chills me. It's not about legality or order. It's visceral. It's guttural repulsion. It is a violent feeling about a massive group of people. And when the President is the one that leads it, it's not just a feeling anymore. It becomes an action.
Ira Glass
Nadia Reiman. She's an editor on our show.
Two days after the election, two of our producers, Emmanuel Dzotsi and Lilly Sullivan, went to this church near her office in New York City where, on certain days, there are migrants and asylum seekers getting free legal advice and meals. And they met this guy, Roberto, who told him that he arrived in the US five months ago from Ecuador. And he's been having trouble sleeping ever since Election Day. Lilly now joins me in the studio. Hey, Lilly.
Lilly Sullivan
Hey, Ira.
Ira Glass
So you spoke with him.
Lilly Sullivan
Yeah. He's been staying in a shelter nearby. And he says he can already picture it, what the ICE raids there would be like.
Roberto
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Lilly Sullivan
He says, let me describe it like a movie. He pictures a group of 100, 200 men arriving, who'd lock up the building and go floor to floor.
Roberto
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Lilly Sullivan
No one would be able to get out.
Roberto
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Lilly Sullivan
And they'd load them up into buses or cars or whatever ICE uses and deport them. Like, that's what you hear about. So that's what he imagines about how it might go.
Roberto
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Lilly Sullivan
On the streets, he feels a little freer, he told me, because if someone tried to grab him, he could just run. He'd have that option.
Roberto
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Lilly Sullivan
But in the shelter, he's between four walls. There's nowhere to run.
Roberto
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Lilly Sullivan
I asked him, where do you feel safe? He told me, here, in the church where I talked to him. There's no other place where he can feel calm. Because he tells me, ICE can't come into the church.
Ira Glass
Though, of course, in President Trump's next term, that might not be true.
Lilly Sullivan
Yeah. We have this idea of sanctuary spaces. But anytime ICE decides they want to go into churches or hospitals or schools, they can do that.
Act Two: Nobody Loves Our Latino Community and our Puerto Rican Community More Than I Do
Ira Glass
Act Two, "Nobody Loves Our Latino Community and Our Puerto Rican Community More than I Do." So Donald Trump won record numbers of Latino voters this year, more than any Republican candidate since they started tracking that demographic in exit polls back in the 1970s. So how'd it happen? Ike Sriskandarajah spent the day with a guy who's been gunning for this for years.
Ike Sriskandarajah
I first met Sam Negron a few weeks ago outside a Trump rally in Allentown, Pennsylvania. He's waiting in the VIP line because, one, he's a constable. That's like an elected sheriff. And, two, he volunteers a lot for the campaign-- knocks on doors, does phone calls, is something called a Trump Force Captain, and works with Latinos for Trump.
Sam Negron
It's nice to meet you. Sam.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Ike. Sam?
Sam Negron
Yes, sir.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Pleasure.
Sam Negron
I never had no cool nicknames like Pookie or Tito.
[LAUGHTER]
It's just Sam.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Sam's a proud Puerto Rican-- big guy, classic cop haircut. And he gets personal fast. When I tell him Ike is my nickname, he says, we tend to do that in America-- shorten things. Then he calls me his brother.
Sam Negron
Go ahead, brother. You should be recording this.
Ike Sriskandarajah
We're surrounded by long lines of Trump supporters who start chanting because they see a protest coming down the street. It's maybe a couple dozen people waving Puerto Rican flags. They're with a Latinx social justice group here to protest the "island of garbage" comment that a comedian recently made at a Trump rally.
Protestors
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Woman
Puerto Rico!
Protestors
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Woman
Puerto Rico!
Protestors
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
A couple of Sam's friends from Latinos for Trump rush over. They're going to cross the street to go confront the anti-Trump protesters. And they ask Sam to join.
Man
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
He tells them, I don't like to fight. Let them speak.
Sam Negron
See, but what I don't like-- to do the combating thing.
Woman
Go back to your own fucking country!
Sam Negron
I didn't hear what they were saying, but--
Ike Sriskandarajah
Another Trump supporter nearby, a white lady in a red shirt, is shouting over us at this whole scrum of Spanish speakers, not really differentiating between the Trump supporters and the Trump protesters. She says, they don't even speak English. Go back to your own fucking country.
Sam Negron
Yeah. See, that's not cool.
Ike Sriskandarajah
What do you do with that?
Sam Negron
Things like that, it's not cool. But you know what? I'm Puerto Rican, papi. I grew up in the South Bronx in the '70s. I've gotten racism from everybody. Because you see my color, right? I'm very light-skinned. Growing up in the South Bronx wasn't easy in the '70s.
Ike Sriskandarajah
It doesn't get under your skin, is what you're saying?
Sam Negron
No. So I tend to ignore that. You know what I found out working on this campaign? That is not the majority.
Ike Sriskandarajah
For most of his life, Sam supported Democrats. But in 2016, he broke with the party, protest voted for Jill Stein. He got into Trump from videos shared by a Latino Trump supporter. Then, just in the past two years, he lost both his son and his son-in-law. They overdosed on fentanyl. He says it's a big problem in Allentown. And he felt like the Democrats and Biden weren't helping. It made him want Trump back even more.
So he started evangelizing, trying to convert people. He's got lit and signs-- Boricuas for Trump, Dominicans for Trump. He's got these little scratch-offs for Trump. It was lonely at first in this Democratic city, but slowly, it started to feel like it was working. He'd been stepping it up for months. And then "island of garbage" dropped on him.
Sam Negron
I hear my wife going, look what just came out. Look what they said. She was furious.
Ike Sriskandarajah
It was hurtful because that's where they're from, but also frustrating, because he's been out here in these streets, trying to pull his people one by one towards Trump.
Sam Negron
I was double upset because I'm like, one, that's an ugly joke. Two, there goes all the work I've done for the last four or five years.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Did you think those comments might just cost him the whole election?
Sam Negron
Totally, brother. I said, oh, my god, there goes everything we've done-- [LAUGHS] right out the window.
Ike Sriskandarajah
So how to reconcile all this, being a proud Puerto Rican and a die-hard Trump supporter? For Sam, it took 20 minutes of googling.
Sam Negron
Anytime something controversial comes out of that campaign, there's something else behind it. You know what I found out?
Ike Sriskandarajah
Here's how he explains that there was actually a deeper message hidden inside that joke.
Sam Negron
Puerto Rico's drowning in trash. They haven't been able to get rid of their trash for the last four years. There's 29 dump sites all over Puerto Rico that are mountains of trash because they can't burn because of carbon emissions. And who did that? Back four years ago, wasn't as bad-- it went way overboard four years ago. So that's what I believe was the reference that was being made to.
Ike Sriskandarajah
20 minutes of research got Sam from livid about a potentially campaign-derailing bad joke to outrage at an environmental disaster he lays at the feet of the Biden administration. If that sounds like opportunistic reasoning, Sam gets that.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Did you need to find a reason for it?
Sam Negron
Heck yeah, I needed a reason for it. Like I said, I--
Ike Sriskandarajah
So he went on a mission, the weekend before the election, to do damage control, tell people what he learned and get them to vote for Trump. He also wanted to give people a chance to talk through the ways they felt let down by Democrats. I tagged along because I wanted to know if people would buy it. And part of what I heard helped me understand why Trump took a historic share of the Latino vote.
And the way Sam's doing it, he's not following an orderly list of registered R or independent voters. He's going off-book. Here, in the Supremo Grocery Store parking lot in the heart of a Latino neighborhood, it's a busy Sunday. There's a lot of shoppers, steady flow of people on the sidewalk. It's a target-rich environment.
Woman
Hi.
Sam Negron
Hi.
Woman
[INAUDIBLE]
Sam Negron
Good, mami, how you doing? You voting this year?
Woman
[INAUDIBLE]
Sam Negron
Come talk to me. Come--
Ike Sriskandarajah
Sam spots a Puerto Rican woman he knows pulling into the parking lot.
Sam Negron
You're parking? Go park. Come talk to me.
Melissa
Damned if I do, damned if I don't.
Sam Negron
Right, that's the problem.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Damned if I do, damned if I don't, she yells from the car. This is Melissa. Sam and her clearly go back. But he says he doesn't know how she's going to vote.
Melissa
Don't do it. I've got a bad filter right now.
Sam Negron
That's all right. No.
Melissa
So [INAUDIBLE].
Sam Negron
How you feeling right now?
Melissa
Upset.
Sam Negron
Uh-huh. But what are you upset about?
Melissa
What I'm upset is that I'm a taxpayer and I don't get shit. And you've got other people that come into our country, and they give them everything. But then you want to sit here and want to downgrade Spanish people. Make that shit make sense.
Ike Sriskandarajah
She's upset about Democrats giving support to new arrivals in the country instead of focusing on the people already here, people like herself. She also doesn't tolerate insults against Spanish-speaking people. So she doesn't like her options.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Can we talk about Sunday, a week ago at the Garden?
Sam Negron
The joke the comedian made about the island of garbage?
Melissa
Mm-hmm.
Sam Negron
OK. How you feel about that?
Melissa
How you feel about it?
Sam Negron
I was livid. I told this man--
Ike Sriskandarajah
Sam walks her through how he figured out the island of garbage comment is actually a sneaky PSA about landfill mismanagement. Melissa listens.
Sam Negron
--four years ago. So that's what I believe was the reference that was being made to.
Ike Sriskandarajah
How does that sit with you?
Sam Negron
I could show you. [INAUDIBLE].
Melissa
That's facts. That's what you call facts. But again, everybody's so much into their social media, their social media only portrays one side of each story. You understand what I mean? So if you sit here and you analyze both sides of the stories-- like I said earlier in my car, damned if you do, damned if you don't. You understand what I mean? Because here, we got-- our felons couldn't never vote, right?
Sam Negron
How come illegal immigrants are able to vote now?
Melissa
Exactly. Why?
Sam Negron
Where does that put us?
Ike Sriskandarajah
Not true-- illegal immigrants can't vote.
Sam Negron
Where does that put us that been here all our lives? And that's a right. That's a citizenship right. That's not a human right. That's a citizenship right. You want to vote, go back to your country and vote-- not in a bad way, not meaning that you should go back to your country. But you know what? Get in line and wait like everybody else.
Because there's been a lot of illegal immigrants in this country that have been here for years still waiting for their papers, thousands on lawyers--
Melissa
--and can't even vote--
Sam Negron
--[INAUDIBLE].
Melissa
--and can't even vote. And pay their taxes-- and pay their taxes.
Sam Negron
Yes.
Ike Sriskandarajah
The backdrop here is that Sam and Melissa are Puerto Rican. They're already citizens who can vote if they live on the mainland. They don't have to wait in any sort of line.
Melissa
--given up everything.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Eight years ago, Melissa supported Hillary. She says Bill Clinton was a hell of a president. Now, she likes Trump, in spite of the comment.
Melissa
Was I in the same boat a couple of years ago? Absolutely not. I wanted him out. I didn't want to keep dealing with that. You understand what I mean? Great businessman.
Sam Negron
Right, which [INAUDIBLE].
Melissa
Great businessman. What fucked him up was his filter and how he speaks to people--
Sam Negron
Coming from somebody--
Melissa
--you understand what I mean?
Sam Negron
--who ain't got no hair--
Melissa
On my tongue.
Sam Negron
--on her tongue.
Melissa
But let's be realistic here. The way he spoke in front of our kids-- you're the president. But he put it out there. And again, me being a person who doesn't have no filter myself, I can understand that. But there's a time and a place for everything. But at this point, I'd rather go here than go there, because I don't want to get more digged in a hole than what I am now and get the same shit that I got for the past four years.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Melissa ends the conversation by telling Sam she'll vote for Trump. Sam approaches another Puerto Rican guy, a soft-spoken young man named Marcus, and asks him how he felt about the insult.
Sam Negron
I think he said it was a-- do you guys know there's an island of garbage floating in the ocean? I think it's called Puerto Rico. How'd that make you feel, papi?
Marcus
I mean, as a Puerto Rican, it made me feel like shit.
Sam Negron
Right. Trust me. I was livid, bro. I was mad, bro. But what that did for me-- I went online and started looking up, is there a problem in Puerto Rico with any type of garbage or anything? You know what I found out?
Ike Sriskandarajah
Sam takes Marcus through his spiel, from livid to landfill-- seems like it's sinking in. They talk more about the price of eggs, which is smart, given Marcus just left the grocery store. And after Sam finishes, I asked Marcus how he feels about Sam's explanation about the island of garbage.
Marcus
When I first heard it, I was appalled that our leadership could speak so disgustingly about us that way. And even as he was just mentioning it right now, it's just-- it's disgusting.
Ike Sriskandarajah
He's still pissed about the comment, but he was planning to vote for Trump anyway. And Sam's explanation?
Marcus
It just made it feel all the much better that there's a valuable explanation as to his comment, because that's who I'm leaning towards, is Trump. So it feels very good to know that.
Ike Sriskandarajah
The next guy, a Spanish speaker carrying a large bag of dog food, didn't even need to hear Sam's explanation. He just wants to share his critique of the Democrats' failures. Here's Jose.
Jose
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
Jose is saying that neither party wants to fix immigration. Obama had two years to do something when the Democrats controlled the House and the Senate, and they didn't.
Sam Negron
He's informed.
Jose
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
And is he going to vote for Trump?
Sam Negron
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
He's voting for Trump too. The garbage joke, people can get past that. But what they can't get past is how Democrats have been letting them down in a bunch of different ways. Sam is pleased.
Sam Negron
I'm feeling a lot more positive than I was a couple of days ago. And I'm glad that especially the Puerto Ricans that we did talk to were still going to support him regardless. We all feel the same way. We're mad about the comment. It upset us. But it's policy over feelings, brother.
Ike Sriskandarajah
You cleaned up today.
Sam Negron
I feel a lot better, brother, because I was worried. I thought I was going to come out here and have to put on the boxing gloves and duke it out with people. And it hasn't been that at all.
Ike Sriskandarajah
I don't think you've met--
Sam Negron
Anti-Trumper.
Ike Sriskandarajah
--a Harris supporter.
Sam Negron
Nope. And they're out here.
Ike Sriskandarajah
Sam did talk to one Harris supporter, a younger Dominican man.
Sam Negron
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
The man says he can't vote. He'd like to become a citizen, vote someday. Again, this is where a traditional canvasser would pivot. That's not Sam.
Sam Negron
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
If he could vote, he'd vote for Kamala. Hey, there's one. Now, this close to the election, campaigns are a numbers game of maximizing turnout of eligible, like-minded voters. This guy is neither.
Sam Negron
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
The guy says he wants a change. Sam sees an opening-- a change from what?
Man
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Ike Sriskandarajah
Sam makes his pitch for Trump and asks him to think about it.
Man
[SPEAKING SPANISH]
Sam Negron
[LAUGHS] I left him thinking. He's almost flipped. My whole mission is to wake people up in my community. To me, it's not about the vote. To me, it's about our people. And that's the way I look at it.
Ike Sriskandarajah
To Sam, it's the long game. This isn't just about the election that just happened. It's about the next one and the next one and the one after that.
Ira Glass
Ike Sriskandarajah is a producer on our show. Coming up, all those people on Trump's enemies list who he's been calling for retribution against, are they packing their bags? We check in with a couple. That's in a minute from Chicago Public Radio when our program continues.
It's This American Life. I'm Ira Glass. Today's program-- "This is the Cake We Baked." Today, we have stories of people who have some special, personal investment in the outcome of this week's election, and we look at what's coming for them. We have arrived at Act Three of our show.
Act Three: Come Retribution
Ira Glass
Act Three, "Come Retribution." So in the final weeks of his campaign, Donald Trump only stepped up his threats of retribution against his political enemies, including saying he'd use the military to go after the enemy within. Two people who've been keeping an eye on these sorts of comments are Alexander and Rachel Vindman. Alex is the army officer who officially reported what seemed like an improper phone call between President Trump and the president of Ukraine, which led to Trump's first impeachment trial. Rachel is his wife.
Back in March, I visited them. And they did not agree about what they were going to do if President Trump won another term and started taking revenge. Rachel said they should consider leaving the country if things got bad enough. Alex said he'd never consider that.
Alexander Vindman
No, not possible. I think the fact is that I served a full military career to protect this country, and I'm not going to give it up.
Rachel Vindman
My argument is, if Donald Trump is reelected, this will no longer be that country. This will be the place where that country was. I want to be able to leave if I feel like that's what I need to, to protect mainly my daughter.
Ira Glass
We were doing this interview in their living room. And we were standing, because they hadn't bought furniture for it yet. They wanted to wait and see what the outcome of the election was going to be first.
For Alex, this was just prudence and saving money against an uncertain future. For Rachel, it was, maybe we'll have to leave this house. When I reached out this week after the election, Alex didn't return my text to set up an interview, but Rachel was happy to talk. She told me they did finally bite the bullet and buy furniture in those early days when Kamala Harris took over as the Democratic nominee.
Rachel Vindman
We have two sofas, and we have a coffee table and a side piece thing. I don't know. But that's [INAUDIBLE]. We ordered it after all the buzz about her, and everyone was very excited. And we were just like, we're going to stay here. And I think we were very optimistic. So--
Ira Glass
In the months leading up to the election, Alex and Rachel have both been campaigning actively for Harris, speaking at fundraisers, that kind of thing. Rachel says she's probably done three events a week for the last six weeks, on video or in person, in all seven swing states.
We'd had plans to talk on election night once the winner was clear. But when I texted them, Rachel wrote back she didn't feel up to talking. "I am freaking out," she said. When we got on the phone later in the week, I asked if their views had changed since we talked in March. Was it still that she would consider leaving the country and he wouldn't?
Rachel Vindman
Nothing is off the table, but I want to stay, because this is my country. And I think there's a possibility to continue to be here and to be part of the discussion and make a difference. Alex absolutely wants to say. It's not even a question. So maybe my decision is just based on his obstinance that it's a non-starter. So I have to bring myself around to that reality.
Ira Glass
I thought of you guys in the last weeks of the campaign, when it seemed like Donald Trump was increasing his calls for retaliation and talking about going after the enemies within the country. What do the two of you think this is going to mean for you? Do you feel like you're going to be facing some sort of retaliation? Do you feel like it's just a complete open question? Where are you on this?
Rachel Vindman
We have no idea. It will depend on signals from their actions. That's the only way we'll know, is to see what they're doing. But there is this guy who has a retaliation list. It's a long list. It's, like, 300, 350 people, something like that. And Alex's name is on it.
Ira Glass
This is a list that was circulating on social media, put together by a Trump supporter, the people that he thinks deserve revenge. He has no affiliation with Trump. There's no sign that anybody in Trump world listens to him. But seeing Alex's name there was alarming, a reminder of how visible Alex is as somebody who stood up to the president and how likely a target he is for the real people in power.
Rachel Vindman
So that's a concern. But are they going to retaliate against all of those people? Will it be all at once, like Kristallnacht, or will it be over time? And do we have time if that's the road they go down? I don't know. Or will they just do it on January 20?
Ira Glass
Yeah.
Rachel Vindman
But we'll definitely be watching the indicators-- and a list of criteria to say if this, then this. Some kind of places or inflection points, which is terrifying. But we certainly haven't gotten to that point. Like everyone, we're trying to process all of this.
Ira Glass
Can you name another one of the indicators that you're going to keep an eye on?
Rachel Vindman
Let's say ramp up talks about retaliation, then yes. But maybe it was election rhetoric and that's not something that's going to come up. There are so many unknowns with Trump. He says he's going to do a lot of things that he doesn't do.
Ira Glass
They're going to keep an eye on his appointments, especially who he appoints as Secretary of Defense. Rachel pictures that retaliation against Alex could be as small as they try to take his retirement benefits, his health care, pension, or as big as they could put him on trial for his actions in the impeachment hearings. She really doesn't know what to expect.
Ira Glass
What's your feeling? What's your gut?
Rachel Vindman
My head says it'll probably be OK. My heart is very scared. But I don't want to live my life in fear. I don't want to live in my own country afraid when neither I nor my husband has done anything wrong.
Ira Glass
Rachel Vindman. We reached out to the other people we interviewed in March for the episode we did about possible retribution Donald Trump might take to see how concerned they are about what might happen to them now. Former Trump aide Stephanie Grisham didn't return our calls. Fred Wellman, who used to be at the Lincoln Project, said he was watching to see how things were going to unfold. And he's gaming out possible scenarios for what he might do.
Act Four: I’ve Done an Unbelievable Job on the Abortion Question
Ira Glass
Act Four, "I've Done an Unbelievable Job on the Abortion Question." So I think, as everybody knows at this point, Kamala Harris and the Democrats were betting that abortion rights would help put her over the top. And 10 different states had abortion rights measures on their ballots. Seven of those passed. And there was a very particular kind of TV ad that aired in many of those states, all with a very particular feeling and particular music, very similar language.
In these ads, women whose lives have been put at risk from complications with their pregnancies told their stories to explain why abortion bans needed to be lifted. One of our producers, Miki Meek, became interested in these commercials. And this week, she checked in with a few of the people who appeared in them. Here's Miki.
Miki Meek
Since Roe was struck down two years ago, I've been reporting on pregnant women and doctors in states with abortion bans. And I've noticed that it's almost always the same group of women, about 20 in all, being called on again and again to recount the worst moments of their lives in media interviews, in court cases, at their state legislatures, and in Congress.
Kimberly Paseka
I don't love it, to be perfectly honest. I feel like it's really--
Miki Meek
That's Kimberly Paseka, who was denied an abortion in Nebraska. She shared her story in one of those ads.
Kimberly Paseka
It's disheartening that we are putting the toughest conversation on the people who are affected the most-- and having to relive that trauma and just relive the worst parts of their life to try and make change. And even today, I'm sitting here, and I'm exhausted. It's like, how am I even standing here still? The last two-plus months has just been exhausting. And you see online and people are like, we have to keep fighting. And I'm like, I have been fighting. Where have you been?
Miki Meek
Nebraska's abortion rights measure failed this week.
Kimberly Paseka
I actually-- I made the joke to my husband yesterday. I was like, all my new followers on Twitter are going to be so disappointed when I start just posting about basketball and football again.
[LAUGHTER]
Until we resolve the issue, I feel like I'll always say something. But I am going to have to step away from it for a little bit, just for my sanity, I think. I don't think I'll ever stop pushing how important the issue is, though, because until there aren't any bans, some woman's always going to be affected. Some girl's going to be affected. And I hate that for this country.
Of all the ads I watched, Deborah Dorbert's really got to me. It was so emotional I almost couldn't finish it. Debra's 34 years old and from Florida. She's got a six-year-old son. Two years ago, she was 23 weeks pregnant with her second child when she went into her doctor's office for a routine scan and learned that her baby had a lethal and rare condition called Potter Syndrome. He had no kidneys. His lungs weren't developing. If he survived birth, he wouldn't live long, maybe just minutes.
Her doctor recommended she terminate the pregnancy as soon as possible. She was now at higher risk for preeclampsia, which could kill her. Deborah agreed. She also didn't want her baby to suffer. But Florida had just banned all abortions after 15 weeks, with some rare and vague exceptions. Deborah says the hospital told her that because her baby still had a heartbeat, they couldn't help her.
They were actually wrong about this. Florida's law allows for abortions in cases where there's a lethal fetal anomaly up to 28 weeks. But there's a lot of fear and confusion among doctors and hospitals in states with bans. So Deborah had to carry the baby to term, knowing all along he wouldn't survive. She and her husband named him Milo. He lived for 94 minutes.
Deborah's husband told me he didn't expect her to speak publicly, seemed out of character. And it felt that way to her too. Deborah describes herself as shy, reserved, conflict-averse. But while she was still pregnant with Milo, she was so angry and depressed that she decided to talk to a reporter from the Washington Post. And after she gave birth, she decided to keep talking.
Miki Meek
Is there a specific conversation or interaction you had with someone where you realized, I did change their opinion about Florida's abortion law?
Deborah Dorbert
My parents. My parents, they are very conservative people. And it was my dad, having witnessed what I went through when-- he found out the news, and then he found out that I could not get induced and I was being forced to carry to full term. And he had to watch his daughter suffer for months, and he didn't understand why I could not get the care I needed.
Miki Meek
Her parents are Catholic, and before this, they were against abortion. But seeing her experience up close changed them. So when the organizers of the ballot measure in Florida approached her to do a TV ad, she said yes. The measure would put abortion rights into the state constitution.
Deborah Dorbert
I remember the doctor handing me a baby boy that was blue, and I just held him because he was so cold.
Miki Meek
In the ad, Deborah is sitting on a couch in a green dress. Her husband, Lee, is right next to her, his arm wrapped around her.
Deborah Dorbert
Government had no right to do that to my family. This ban is torture.
Miki Meek
Governor DeSantis fought the abortion measure hard. He sent plainclothes police to knock on doors looking for fraudulent signatures on the petition for the ballot measure. The Florida Health Department sent cease and desist letters to TV stations, airing a different ad that supported the measure. A judge siding with the TV stations wrote, "To keep it simple for the state of Florida, it's the First Amendment, stupid."
On election night. Deborah and her husband headed to a watch party with organizers of the ballot measure, a group called Yes on 4. There were balloons everywhere, a full bar. Deborah felt hopeful and had a speech prepared if the measure got passed. Ever since Roe was overturned, whenever voters got a chance to vote on abortion measures like this one, they passed, even in red states.
Around 9:00 PM, the results were in. A clear majority of Floridians voted in favor of the ballot initiative, but it still failed because in Florida, ballot measures need 60% of the vote to pass. It got 57%.
Deborah Dorbert
We were upstairs in a private little room, just waiting for the results. And once they told me that Yes on 4 failed, it was just-- honestly, it was a shock. It was like a punch in the stomach, and it just brought me back to that day in the doctor's office. And it was just that shock and that numb.
We did go downstairs to hear the director speak. And after she spoke and a few other guests spoke, I remember getting up out of the room and going outside. And that is when I just broke down crying. And my husband came and found me. And I was on my knees and crying because it just-- the law took everything from me.
Miki Meek
It's one thing to decide to tell this painful story over and over, but it's another thing to do it and not get the results you wanted.
Deborah Dorbert
It's hard. You feel like a lot of weight is on your shoulders to try to get the government and legislation to understand, like, look what these laws are doing. I do feel tired. Just sharing my story is a lot of work.
Miki Meek
Do you ever have the feeling of, when can I be done and stop talking about this?
Deborah Dorbert
So yesterday, we spent a lot of time navigating, do we keep fighting this fight or do we just step away? And for me, I'm up on the fence. I don't want to back down now. I want to see through that the law gets changed.
Miki Meek
What people don't see when Deborah tells her story in public is how hard she's still trying to get back to real life, just enjoy small moments again-- karate classes on Thursdays, pizza night on Fridays with her husband and her six-year-old son.
Ira Glass
Miki Meek is a producer on our show.
["MORNING IN AMERICA" BY DURAND JONES & THE INDICATIONS]
Credits
Ira Glass
Well, our show today was produced and edited by Laura Starcheski and Emanuele Berry. The people who put together today's program include Bim Adewunmi, Phia Bennin, Dana Chivvis, Sean Cole, Michael Comite, Emmanuel Dzotsi, Hany Hawasly, Valerie Kipnis, Henry Larson, Seth Lind, Katherine Rae Mondo, Stowe Nelson. Ryan Rumery, Alissa Shipp, Alix Spiegel, Lilly Sullivan, Christopher Swetala, Marisa Robertson-Textor, Matt Tierney, and Diane Wu. Our managing editor's Sarah Abdurrahman. Our senior editor's David Kestenbaum.
Special thanks today to Andrea Flores, Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, Jonathan Blitzer, Miriam Rosenbaum, Colin Jackson, Jon Smith, Patrice Johnson, Fields Moseley, Jen Fifield, Ben Giles, Yvonne Wingette-Sanchez, Ben Terris, Neil Makhija, Rebecca Tyrrell, Drew Reisinger, Kathie Kline, Paul Choi, Jordan Green, Lee Dorbert, Adama Bah, and Candice Braun and Power Malu of Artists Athletes Activists in New York City.
This American Life is delivered to public radio stations by PRX, the Public Radio Exchange. To become a This American Life partner and get bonus content, ad-free listening, ask me anything sessions, and a greatest-hits archive of hundreds of favorite episodes right in your podcast feed, sign up at thisamericanlife.org/lifepartners. Thanks this week to life partners Kira Elert, Rachael MacFarlane, Martha Stroud, and Lauren Talerman.
Thanks, as always, to our program's co-founder, Mr. Torey Malatia. You know, he is such an annoying person to meditate with, seriously. Every time we're finally into it and have quieted our minds, he starts chanting super loudly--
Jason Houser
This is the deep state. This is the deep state.
Ira Glass
I'm Ira Glass, back next week with more stories of This American Life.
["MORNING IN AMERICA" BY DURAND JONES & THE INDICATIONS]